Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
In the past, the richest states often grew the fastest and the poor ones the slowest. But India's record GDP growth of 8.49% per year in the five-year period 2004-09 is a case of improved productivity and growth in customarily poor states trickling up and aggregating into rapid growth at the national level. Nobody should call this a success of trickle-down economics. Trickle-down. assumes that fast growth can be had simply by changing a few policies that benefit the rich, after which some benefits trickle down to the poor.
In fact, miracle growth is globally rare, precisely because it is so difficult for countries to improve the productivity of a substantial proportion of the population. Only when productivity improvement is widespread is there enough productivity improvement from all regions and people to add up to fast growth. In other words, fast growth does not trickle down; it trickles up. Once a country grows fast, government revenues will boom, and can be used to accelerate spending in social sectors and welfare.
Miracle growth and record revenues enabled the Central government to finance social welfare schemes, farm loan waivers and enormous oil subsidies. This can be called the trickling down of part of the revenue bonanza into welfare and workfare. But neither welfare nor workfare could have caused the sharp acceleration of economic growth. The growth bonanza itself was sparked by state-level political and policy changes that accelerated local growth, which then trickled up to the national level.
Which of the following is TRUE in the context of the Passage?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
In the past, the richest states often grew the fastest and the poor ones the slowest. But India's record GDP growth of 8.49% per year in the five-year period 2004-09 is a case of improved productivity and growth in customarily poor states trickling up and aggregating into rapid growth at the national level. Nobody should call this a success of trickle-down economics. Trickle-down. assumes that fast growth can be had simply by changing a few policies that benefit the rich, after which some benefits trickle down to the poor.
In fact, miracle growth is globally rare, precisely because it is so difficult for countries to improve the productivity of a substantial proportion of the population. Only when productivity improvement is widespread is there enough productivity improvement from all regions and people to add up to fast growth. In other words, fast growth does not trickle down; it trickles up. Once a country grows fast, government revenues will boom, and can be used to accelerate spending in social sectors and welfare.
Miracle growth and record revenues enabled the Central government to finance social welfare schemes, farm loan waivers and enormous oil subsidies. This can be called the trickling down of part of the revenue bonanza into welfare and workfare. But neither welfare nor workfare could have caused the sharp acceleration of economic growth. The growth bonanza itself was sparked by state-level political and policy changes that accelerated local growth, which then trickled up to the national level.
Why have countries found it difficult to achieve high growth?
(A) Ensuring an increase in the output among a large number of citizens is difficult.
(B) Corruption of politicians at the grassroots level results in the benefits of growth not reaching the poor.
(C) The government's failure to allocate sufficient income to inclusive social welfare schemes

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
In the past, the richest states often grew the fastest and the poor ones the slowest. But India's record GDP growth of 8.49% per year in the five-year period 2004-09 is a case of improved productivity and growth in customarily poor states trickling up and aggregating into rapid growth at the national level. Nobody should call this a success of trickle-down economics. Trickle-down. assumes that fast growth can be had simply by changing a few policies that benefit the rich, after which some benefits trickle down to the poor.
In fact, miracle growth is globally rare, precisely because it is so difficult for countries to improve the productivity of a substantial proportion of the population. Only when productivity improvement is widespread is there enough productivity improvement from all regions and people to add up to fast growth. In other words, fast growth does not trickle down; it trickles up. Once a country grows fast, government revenues will boom, and can be used to accelerate spending in social sectors and welfare.
Miracle growth and record revenues enabled the Central government to finance social welfare schemes, farm loan waivers and enormous oil subsidies. This can be called the trickling down of part of the revenue bonanza into welfare and workfare. But neither welfare nor workfare could have caused the sharp acceleration of economic growth. The growth bonanza itself was sparked by state-level political and policy changes that accelerated local growth, which then trickled up to the national level.
To which of the following factors does the author attribute India's high growth rate during 2004-09?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
In the past, the richest states often grew the fastest and the poor ones the slowest. But India's record GDP growth of 8.49% per year in the five-year period 2004-09 is a case of improved productivity and growth in customarily poor states trickling up and aggregating into rapid growth at the national level. Nobody should call this a success of trickle-down economics. Trickle-down. assumes that fast growth can be had simply by changing a few policies that benefit the rich, after which some benefits trickle down to the poor.
In fact, miracle growth is globally rare, precisely because it is so difficult for countries to improve the productivity of a substantial proportion of the population. Only when productivity improvement is widespread is there enough productivity improvement from all regions and people to add up to fast growth. In other words, fast growth does not trickle down; it trickles up. Once a country grows fast, government revenues will boom, and can be used to accelerate spending in social sectors and welfare.
Miracle growth and record revenues enabled the Central government to finance social welfare schemes, farm loan waivers and enormous oil subsidies. This can be called the trickling down of part of the revenue bonanza into welfare and workfare. But neither welfare nor workfare could have caused the sharp acceleration of economic growth. The growth bonanza itself was sparked by state-level political and policy changes that accelerated local growth, which then trickled up to the national level.
Which of the following best describes the author's view of trickle-down theory?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
In the past, the richest states often grew the fastest and the poor ones the slowest. But India's record GDP growth of 8.49% per year in the five-year period 2004-09 is a case of improved productivity and growth in customarily poor states trickling up and aggregating into rapid growth at the national level. Nobody should call this a success of trickle-down economics. Trickle-down. assumes that fast growth can be had simply by changing a few policies that benefit the rich, after which some benefits trickle down to the poor.
In fact, miracle growth is globally rare, precisely because it is so difficult for countries to improve the productivity of a substantial proportion of the population. Only when productivity improvement is widespread is there enough productivity improvement from all regions and people to add up to fast growth. In other words, fast growth does not trickle down; it trickles up. Once a country grows fast, government revenues will boom, and can be used to accelerate spending in social sectors and welfare.
Miracle growth and record revenues enabled the Central government to finance social welfare schemes, farm loan waivers and enormous oil subsidies. This can be called the trickling down of part of the revenue bonanza into welfare and workfare. But neither welfare nor workfare could have caused the sharp acceleration of economic growth. The growth bonanza itself was sparked by state-level political and policy changes that accelerated local growth, which then trickled up to the national level.
What is the author's objective in writing this passage?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
In the past, the richest states often grew the fastest and the poor ones the slowest. But India's record GDP growth of 8.49% per year in the five-year period 2004-09 is a case of improved productivity and growth in customarily poor states trickling up and aggregating into rapid growth at the national level. Nobody should call this a success of trickle-down economics. Trickle-down. assumes that fast growth can be had simply by changing a few policies that benefit the rich, after which some benefits trickle down to the poor.
In fact, miracle growth is globally rare, precisely because it is so difficult for countries to improve the productivity of a substantial proportion of the population. Only when productivity improvement is widespread is there enough productivity improvement from all regions and people to add up to fast growth. In other words, fast growth does not trickle down; it trickles up. Once a country grows fast, government revenues will boom, and can be used to accelerate spending in social sectors and welfare.
Miracle growth and record revenues enabled the Central government to finance social welfare schemes, farm loan waivers and enormous oil subsidies. This can be called the trickling down of part of the revenue bonanza into welfare and workfare. But neither welfare nor workfare could have caused the sharp acceleration of economic growth. The growth bonanza itself was sparked by state-level political and policy changes that accelerated local growth, which then trickled up to the national level.
Which of the following is similar in meaning to the word 'ADD' as used in the context of the passage?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
In the past, the richest states often grew the fastest and the poor ones the slowest. But India's record GDP growth of 8.49% per year in the five-year period 2004-09 is a case of improved productivity and growth in customarily poor states trickling up and aggregating into rapid growth at the national level. Nobody should call this a success of trickle-down economics. Trickle-down. assumes that fast growth can be had simply by changing a few policies that benefit the rich, after which some benefits trickle down to the poor.
In fact, miracle growth is globally rare, precisely because it is so difficult for countries to improve the productivity of a substantial proportion of the population. Only when productivity improvement is widespread is there enough productivity improvement from all regions and people to add up to fast growth. In other words, fast growth does not trickle down; it trickles up. Once a country grows fast, government revenues will boom, and can be used to accelerate spending in social sectors and welfare.
Miracle growth and record revenues enabled the Central government to finance social welfare schemes, farm loan waivers and enormous oil subsidies. This can be called the trickling down of part of the revenue bonanza into welfare and workfare. But neither welfare nor workfare could have caused the sharp acceleration of economic growth. The growth bonanza itself was sparked by state-level political and policy changes that accelerated local growth, which then trickled up to the national level.
Which of the following is opposite in meaning of the word 'SHARP' as used in the context of the passage?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
Born out of the forces of globalisation, India's IT sector is undertaking some globalisation of its own. In search of new sources of rapid growth, the country's outsourcing giants are aggressively expanding beyond their usual stomping grounds into the developing world; setting up programming centres, chasing new clients and hiring local talent. Through geographic diversification, Indian companies hope to regain some momentum after the recession. This shift is being driven by a global economy in which the US is no longer the undisputed engine of growth. India's IT powers rose to prominence largely on the decisions made by American executives, who were quick to capitalize on the cost savings to be gained by outsourcing noncore operations, such as systems programming and call centres, to specialists overseas.
Revenues in India's IT sector surged from $4 billion in 1998 to $59 billion last fiscal, But with the recession NASSCOM forecasts that the growth rate of India's exports of IT and other business services to the US and Europe will drop to at most 7% in the current fiscal year, down from 16% last year and 29% in 2007-08.
Factors other than the crisis are driving India's IT firms into the emerging world. Although the US still accounts for 60% of the export revenue of India's IT sector, emerging markets are growing faster. Tapping these more dynamic economies won't be easy, however. The goal of Indian IT firms for the past 30 years has been to woo clients outside India and transfer as much of the actual work as possible back home, where lower wages for highly skilled programmers allowed them to offer significant cost savings. With costs in other emerging economies equally low, Indian firms can't compete on price alone.
To adapt, Indian companies which are relatively unknown in these emerging nations are establishing major local operations around the world, in the process hiring thousands of locals. Cultural conflicts arise at times while training new recruits. In addition, IT firms also have to work extra hard to woo business from emerging-market companies still unaccustomed to the concept of outsourcing. If successful, the future of India's outsourcing sector could prove as bright as its past.
What is the author trying to convey through the phrase "India's IT sector is undertaking some globalization of its own"?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
Born out of the forces of globalisation, India's IT sector is undertaking some globalisation of its own. In search of new sources of rapid growth, the country's outsourcing giants are aggressively expanding beyond their usual stomping grounds into the developing world; setting up programming centres, chasing new clients and hiring local talent. Through geographic diversification, Indian companies hope to regain some momentum after the recession. This shift is being driven by a global economy in which the US is no longer the undisputed engine of growth. India's IT powers rose to prominence largely on the decisions made by American executives, who were quick to capitalize on the cost savings to be gained by outsourcing noncore operations, such as systems programming and call centres, to specialists overseas.
Revenues in India's IT sector surged from $4 billion in 1998 to $59 billion last fiscal, But with the recession NASSCOM forecasts that the growth rate of India's exports of IT and other business services to the US and Europe will drop to at most 7% in the current fiscal year, down from 16% last year and 29% in 2007-08.
Factors other than the crisis are driving India's IT firms into the emerging world. Although the US still accounts for 60% of the export revenue of India's IT sector, emerging markets are growing faster. Tapping these more dynamic economies won't be easy, however. The goal of Indian IT firms for the past 30 years has been to woo clients outside India and transfer as much of the actual work as possible back home, where lower wages for highly skilled programmers allowed them to offer significant cost savings. With costs in other emerging economies equally low, Indian firms can't compete on price alone.
To adapt, Indian companies which are relatively unknown in these emerging nations are establishing major local operations around the world, in the process hiring thousands of locals. Cultural conflicts arise at times while training new recruits. In addition, IT firms also have to work extra hard to woo business from emerging-market companies still unaccustomed to the concept of outsourcing. If successful, the future of India's outsourcing sector could prove as bright as its past.
Which of the following factors made the services offered by the Indian IT attractive to the US?
(A) Indian IT companies had expertise in rare core operations.
(B) US lacked the necessary infrastructure and personnel to handle mass call centre operations.
(C) Inability of other equally cost-efficient developing countries to comply with their strict policies.

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it.
Born out of the forces of globalisation, India's IT sector is undertaking some globalisation of its own. In search of new sources of rapid growth, the country's outsourcing giants are aggressively expanding beyond their usual stomping grounds into the developing world; setting up programming centres, chasing new clients and hiring local talent. Through geographic diversification, Indian companies hope to regain some momentum after the recession. This shift is being driven by a global economy in which the US is no longer the undisputed engine of growth. India's IT powers rose to prominence largely on the decisions made by American executives, who were quick to capitalize on the cost savings to be gained by outsourcing noncore operations, such as systems programming and call centres, to specialists overseas.
Revenues in India's IT sector surged from $4 billion in 1998 to $59 billion last fiscal, But with the recession NASSCOM forecasts that the growth rate of India's exports of IT and other business services to the US and Europe will drop to at most 7% in the current fiscal year, down from 16% last year and 29% in 2007-08.
Factors other than the crisis are driving India's IT firms into the emerging world. Although the US still accounts for 60% of the export revenue of India's IT sector, emerging markets are growing faster. Tapping these more dynamic economies won't be easy, however. The goal of Indian IT firms for the past 30 years has been to woo clients outside India and transfer as much of the actual work as possible back home, where lower wages for highly skilled programmers allowed them to offer significant cost savings. With costs in other emerging economies equally low, Indian firms can't compete on price alone.
To adapt, Indian companies which are relatively unknown in these emerging nations are establishing major local operations around the world, in the process hiring thousands of locals. Cultural conflicts arise at times while training new recruits. In addition, IT firms also have to work extra hard to woo business from emerging-market companies still unaccustomed to the concept of outsourcing. If successful, the future of India's outsourcing sector could prove as bright as its past.
What has caused Indian IT firms to change the way they conduct business in developing countries?